Black History Month is a reflection of the prevailing political atmosphere, so in what ways can we modernize it?
We are in Black History Month in the UK, and it seems it’s time for a rethink. As time has passed, an celebration that started out as a festivity and recollection of history, culture and the connections between global Black communities, has taken on a business-like atmosphere, expanding to include gatherings where Black people are paid to address white audiences about hidden biases and active solidarity. The 2020s Black Lives Matter protests sparked an increase in the industry of displaying cultural sensitivity. Yet, that phase is now over. The wave has peaked, producing a diluted aftermath of what raising awareness is for.
The History of Black History Month
First commemorated in the America and its northern neighbor, Black History Month was conceived in 1962 as a week dedicated to Negro history by Black scholar Carter G. Woodson with seven days of remembrance and recognition in the February's second week. Black History Month grew out of this movement and was formally inaugurated in 1970. Today it is observed not only in the North America in the second month, but also in the tenth month in the UK, Deutschland, the Republic of Ireland and the Netherlands.
The month has developed since that time, focusing less on the histories of transatlantic enslavement and fights for racial justice, and increasingly on influential individuals of color in government, the arts, and social movements, and broadly celebrating the contribution Black people have made to influence the nation. It is in schools where Black History Month is most regularly observed, with discussions and heritage festivities. But the manner the celebration is observed is a reflection of the political moment. How it progresses is a instructive case in how co-option leads to erosion: the restructuring of Black History Month has stymied the objective of it, which is to confront systemic and institutional racism.
A Disconcerting Period
Little demonstrates how critical it is to reevaluate Black History Month more than the current time in which it takes place this year. In the UK, a revitalized conservative movement in the guise of the Reform organization is ahead in surveys. In the summer we saw the most significant ultra-conservative gathering in the history of Britain. Kemi Badenoch, the person of color at the helm of the Conservative party, is a firm opponent of Black Lives Matter, and we are in a situation where a member of parliament feels empowered to say that “not seeing any white faces” in certain urban areas is a source of worry. At the same time, extreme conservative groups are surging in Europe as a entirety.
In the America, a massive attack against DEI and affirmative action has been brought, often successfully, to the top legal institutions of the country. A campaign to erase African American heritage and narrative from the historical documents is under way. One of the political figure's initial presidential directives targeted the institution dedicated to Black heritage, and the prestigious establishment, accusing them of a “concerted and widespread effort to change the national past” by portraying America “as fundamentally prejudiced”.
Given these circumstances, the observance symbolises how insufficiently it can be influential if it is confined to either obligatory business commemorations, or stripped of political content festivities of historical achievements, rather than challenging the realities of the present. It also shows how its restricted time span means that it is disconnected from the broader ongoing work that is required. Denise Miller, a educator at University of Greenwich, put it best when she raised concerns about the temporary “tokenism” of the celebration. “The difficulty with embracing a superficial method”, she commented, “is that it typically leads to that Black History Month evolves into a fleeting performance rather than a agent of progress.”
Reconsidering, Not Discarding
Determining how to adjust, modify and expand initiatives for racial equality and recognition in such periods of dismay and anxiety is a challenging endeavor. There is a inclination to just discontinue events including Black History Month altogether, assuming they are simply not fit for purpose, or are relics of an era that has not worked.
Yet, in spite of all this, Black History Month, and in fact the whole broad system and heritage of campaigns for equality – grassroots Black Lives Matter organisations, inclusion and equity efforts, and certainly, even commercial engagements – represent an framework that a considerable labor has been dedicated to. It is there not just to decay as the politics moves on (and in fact, declines), but to be a living breathing thing.
So what would a contemporary active Black History Month appear as? Firstly, it would be not just one concentrated month: something that is distributed through the year (as certain organizations are already starting to implement), sections of its curriculum (particularly around notable African descendants) integrated into school curriculums. It would also be a time that does not shy away from politics, and allows opportunity for citizens, particularly the younger generation, to express their concerns and stories. What purpose serves mere awareness of the bygone era when it fails to address the present reality of far-right rallies in the urban areas? Establishments who observe it should not be pacified with the passive language of implicit prejudice and sensitivity to minor insults, but faced with the dangers that face all if anti-racism is not taken seriously. Briefly stated, Black History Month should be made contemporary, critical, and responsive. It could be that an complete renaming is required – Contemporary Black History Month.
